How Democrats Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Super PACs

Who's winning, who's losing, and why.
Feb. 1 2014 2:07 PM

How Democrats Learned to Stop Worrying and Love Super PACs

The Democratic money machine is raking in the cash compared to their biggest GOP rivals.

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The sentiment has also been echoed by Jim DeMint, the former South Carolina Republican senator who founded the Senate Conservatives Fund and now serves as president of the Heritage Foundation. “We must remember that there is a distinction between the Republican Party and the conservative movement,” DeMint declared at the 2013 Conservative Political Action Conference in Washington, D.C. “National Republican leaders have not advanced a conservative agenda for almost 20 years.”

Already, the Club for Growth’s super PAC has spent more than $200,000 on ads backing Mississippi state Sen. Chris McDaniel, who is challenging Cochran. And the Senate Conservatives Fund, through its super PAC and traditional political action committee arm, has spent nearly $1 million combined on ads backing either McDaniel or Matt Bevin, the conservative businessman challenging McConnell.

In 2013, the Club for Growth Action super PAC raised $2.6 million, and the Senate Conservatives Action super PAC raised $1.6 million. Wealthy home builder Bob Perry, a Texan who died in April, ranked as the top donor to Senate Conservatives Action, giving $1 million. Meanwhile, investor Virginia James of New Jersey and Illinois businessman Richard Uihlein each gave $500,000 to the Club for Growth’s super PAC last year, ranking as top donors to the anti-tax group.

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Super PACs to “scare off opponents”

Super PACs supporting the candidacy of a single politician have become increasingly commonplace.

“Candidate-specific super PACs can help scare off opponents or signal to opponents and potential opponents that their favored candidate will have ample funding,” said Jessica Levinson, a professor at the Loyola Law School in Los Angeles.

That phenomenon is already unfolding in Kentucky, Mississippi, and South Carolina—and a host of other states from Alaska to North Carolina.

Last April, McConnell’s allies launched a super PAC called Kentuckians for Strong Leadership to aid in his re-election. The group raised $2.4 million in 2013. It received large contributions from the likes of real estate mogul Donald Trump ($50,000), coal executive Joe Craft ($100,000), and Florida-based NextEra Energy, a Fortune 200 utilities company ($100,000).

Graham’s supporters, likewise, created a group called the West Main Street Values PAC, which raised about $130,000 in 2013, including $50,000 from GOP fundraiser and former U.S. ambassador to Belgium Sam Fox and $25,000 from the political action committee of Boeing. And in mid-January, Cochran’s backers launched a super PAC called Mississippi Conservatives. That group has not yet disclosed any of its funders, but it has already spent more than $200,000 on pro-Cochran ads.

Republicans are not the only ones getting in on the action. Allies of embattled Democratic Sen. Kay Hagan of North Carolina recently launched a group called Wolfheel PAC, and Sen. Mark Begich of Alaska is being backed by a super PAC called Put Alaska First. The pro-Hagan Wolfheel PAC, which registered with the FEC in early January, has not yet been required to report its funders. Put Alaska First, meanwhile, collected $287,500 last year.

One of the largest donors to the pro-Begich political group was actually the Senate Majority PAC, which transferred $170,000 to Put Alaska First last year. A Washington-based fishing company headed by a Begich donor named Hae Joo “Helena” Park also contributed $100,000.

Then there’s We Are Kentucky, a super PAC that is backing Democrat Alison Lundergan Grimes, who is vying for McConnell’s Senate seat. It raised $260,500 since its formation in July. Two labor unions—the United Autoworkers and the plumbers and pipefitters’ United Association—each pitched in $100,000.

Ready for Hillary to play in midterms

At least two Democratic-aligned, candidate-specific super PACs are also already making preparations for the next presidential race. The first is Ready for Hillary, which was formed a year ago. The other is Priorities USA Action, which helped President Barack Obama win a second term in the White House and now plans to aid Hillary Clinton, should she opt to run in 2016.

Ready for Hillary spokesman Seth Bringman told the Center for Public Integrity that his group, which raised $4 million in 2013, will engage in races in which Clinton herself has endorsed candidates. “We will conduct additional efforts to amplify Hillary’s endorsements,” Bringman said. “Success in the midterm elections is vital to our party.”

Peter Kauffmann, a spokesman for Priorities USA Action, meanwhile, said that his group, which still has $3 million in reserves, does not intend to be involved in the 2014 midterm elections.

As Democratic and Republican groups alike look to keep increasing the size of their war chests, one thing’s for certain: The proliferation of super PACs will lead to a barrage of ads this year—particularly in the Senate’s battleground states.

“Residents of states with high-profile Senate races will be inundated with ads,” said Erika Franklin Fowler, a director of the Wesleyan Media Project, which monitors political advertising.

In many places, she continued, “ads have already started.”

Ben Wieder and Erin Quinn contributed to this report.

The Center for Public Integrity is a nonprofit, independent investigative news outlet. For more of its stories on this topic go to publicintegrity.org.

Michael Beckel is a politics reporter for the Center for Public Integrity, where his focus is super PACs and the influence of money on elections.

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