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What Now?

Posted Thursday, Nov. 23, 2000, at 3:00 AM ET

Dear Michael,

Could this story get any stranger or more complicated? Life goes on for us non-combatants, and I'm in holiday mode already, so I will be brief today.

If anyone thought the Florida Supreme Court would bring closure or conciliation to this imbroglio, think again. "INSANITY" was the headline in the reliably partisan New York Post today, and that only slightly overstates the furious reaction of the Bush campaign last night and this morning. So furious, in fact, that they may well have intimidated the Dade County election board (which was, as you'll recall, somewhat reluctant to start a recount in the first place) into calling their recount off this morning—a huge blow indeed to Gore.

I think the court's decision was legally sound, although perhaps more assertive than is currently the fashion in American jurisprudence. The election law that the Republicans are defending as if it were the Bill of Rights is, in fact, ambiguous and contradictory—and clearly never envisioned, as one could have, a situation like this. It seems fair to me to allow legally sanctioned recounts to continue and to ensure that the results be counted.

The "dimpled chad" issue is another matter. There is, of course, no universally agreed-upon standard for judging the intent of voters on punch-card ballots. (And if nothing else good comes out of this mess, let us hope that it persuades counties across the nation never again to use punch-card voting.) "Dimpled chads" may well be a perfectly fair way to judge such intent. But having rejected that standard earlier in the counting, it seems to me politically unwise, to say the least, to change the standard simply because the original standard wasn't producing enough Gore votes. That does seem calculating and unfair to me, even as a Democrat and a Gore supporter.

But what is legally justified, or fair in some abstract sense, is more or less irrelevant now. Because there is only one standard by which either side judges any event in this drama now: What is most likely to help them win. And why should we be surprised? A close election like this—a "dead heat," as Jim Baker called it—is always incredibly contested. Look at Gorton-Cantwell in Washington state, where they're still counting and likely soon recounting; or Holt-Zimmer in New Jersey; or the upper East Side state Senate race here in New York; or countless other close races over the last decades, which dragged on and on, increasingly acrimoniously, through the courts and through the press. These circumstances are probably inevitable, exaggerated this time only by the stakes.

Is there a way out? Certainly not through one side or another throwing in the towel, as Republicans like to believe Nixon did in 1960. (In fact, Nixon did not—as David Greenberg made clear in Slate and the Los Angeles Times; he contested the election in state after state until the day before the electors met. The image of magnanimous concession in 1960 is a complete myth.)

Probably our best hope for a non-catastrophic resolution is for the recounts simply not to produce a Gore majority, which the Miami-Dade action today certainly makes more likely. That would not be a happy solution for Democrats. But the alternative—given the Republican ferocity on this issue (a ferocity the Democrats would almost certainly match if they were in the same situation)—is a long fight through the courts, through the state legislature, and ultimately through the Congress, which in the end Gore would very likely lose in any case.

Had the court followed Michael's advice—certify the vote as it is, and then let the Democrats contest—the situation would probably now be marginally more civil, but only for a little while.

In the end, I suppose, we have to concede that there is no way to get a true picture of how Florida voted. The initial, recounted returns, which the GOP wants to certify, are certainly not entirely accurate. But the results of a hand recount in a few counties would not be accurate either. Most people probably would now admit that Gore would have carried Florida fairly clearly were it not for the flawed Palm Beach ballot, but there is nothing to be done about that now. So whatever the result, we are going to have to choose our next president on nothing more than a guess about how Florida really voted.

Posted Thursday, Nov. 23, 2000, at 3:00 AM ET
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Alan Brinkley is Allan Nevins Professor of History at Columbia University and the author most recently of Liberalism and its Discontents (click here to buy it). Michael McConnell is the Presidential Professor of law at the University of Utah. This week, Slate has asked them to keep a running commentary on the presidential endgame.
COMMENTS

Reader Comments from The Fray:


Michael McConnell argues that even a state-wide hand count might give Gore an unfair advantage, because the questionable punch card ballots were used predominantly in counties that heavily supported Gore. But his logic is flawed; he forgets that the argument for a hand recount--widespread undervoting that a human eye might correct--has already taken this very discrepancy into account. Though the hand recount would most likely discover a larger number of new votes for Gore than Bush because of the problems with punch cards, the inverse is true for the current machine count: Bush has been unfairly over-represented by his support in counties with more technologically advanced voting systems. It is not necessarily improper to concentrate energy on hand recounts in punch card counties, since they are the ones in which problems with unread votes are more likely. While I can't think of any serious argument against a state-wide hand count (except for the question about hand count subjectivity which might be dealt with by simple guidelines), the problem now is simply that the Republicans have argued for too long against hand counting at all, and are thus unable to concede this clear, proper compromise.

--Jared White

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I believe that the hand recount is conducted, ballot by ballot, with a representative of both political parties, both of whom must agree on the party for whom each vote was cast. Any ballot that the two person team does not agree on is then reviewed by a three member panel of non-partisans. My point is simply that the recount is not a subjective as one might think. Since one of the candidates campaigned on the slogan that he "trusts the people" and the other has indicated a willingness to trust the people on this issue, I am surprised there is a problem.

--Carrie McLain

(To reply, click here.)


A way out: the Burr-Hamilton solution.

--APM

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(11/15)


Reader Comments from The Fray:


I find it amusing that the Democrats are telling President-elect Bush that the only way he can succeed is to adopt their agenda.

The popular vote, as close as it was, could have swung Bush's way if it was recounted as Florida was. If California and all the voter irregularity in the excessively liberal and populous states were taken out of the picture, the popular vote across the nation was significantly more for Bush. It presents a more accurate picture of America as a whole to view the popular vote minus California. That's the reason for the Electoral College.

Democrats should be looking and asking themselves why they blew this election rather than deluding themselves that it was stolen. Look within. The liberal lies and scare-mongering, and class warfare language and willingness to depart from the law in order to win at any costs is not going to serve America or the Democratic party well. When America has more time to reflect on the days since the election, the Democrats will not fare so well. That is why the Democrats are trying still to deflect attention from their failures.

Vice-President Gore gave a noble speech last night. For the first time in this election process I gained respect for him. He was finally speaking honestly. Liberals should try honesty instead of distortion and manipulation more often.

--Mark Sherman

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Sorry, but I don't see true bipartisanship happening. The division you see has been growing for decades. It isn't between skinheads or klansmen and 'good honest Americans,' it is between those who are willing to be responsible for themselves, and those who've been inculcated with the idea that they have a god-given right to the fruits of someone else's labor. The Dems have done the indoctrinating, and those of us who flocked to the personal freedom stances of 60's Democratic candidates are appalled at how the current flock of Democrat candidates have taken full advantage of the 'buy a vote with welfare' techniques they've developed over the years. I have predicted class warfare by 2010 since 1975. I may be off a couple years, but dramatic changes are in order

--Dennis Jacques

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Â


Reader Comments from The Fray:


I disagree that what the Supreme Court faces is less compelling than Dred Scott. It's time to get past all this rhetoric and look at what we, as citizens, are being dealt. First of all, forget all the pious cant about the wisdom of the founding fathers. The Constitution was never a document that guaranteed democracy in this country, since the founding fathers' didn't want democracy. They didn't want people to be able to vote for the president, that was the job for politicians. Jefferson himself wrote "the people is an ass." While they may have been against British rule, they were in no shape or form democrats in light of the term today. And the Republicans are not such great believers in democracy today. If they were, they would have worked to get an accurate count in Florida. The Supremes are either going to yank us into the present, for those "asses" like myself, of haul us back into the past. That is the Constitutional issue at stake.

--George Grella

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As we await the Supreme Court's decision, I stand astonished. Not that the Supreme Court delved into the 'miasma' of this election dispute--it is not such a bad idea for the last word of the land to have the last word; what astonished me was Scalia's stated reason for the stay granted. The stay itself was not such a bad idea (I voted for Gore, by the way). The decision needed to be made before there were facts on the ground so that no one felt any more robbed than they already do. However, Scalia's unprecedented indication that he has already made up his mind before even receiving a brief must have ruffled some of his colleague's feathers and perhaps created an environment that may well send the 'swing justices'--Kennedy and O'Connor--into the arms of the solid opposition. Scalia's statement may well turn out to be a self-fulfilling anti-prophecy.

It would be most astonishing if any decision were 5 to 4. I think it is more likely that there will be a more solid majority behind some sort of solomonic solution. One hopes that the court will be very, very cautious not to create law itself.

--Rabbi Jason

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In our world of constant disorder, why is it so surprising that the old technology-based society is colliding with the new tech order? We are transforming our entire society to the new tech order. Many systems have not made the transition. Voting processes and systems are at the top of the list right now. This collision must take place and the new tech order take its proper place in this function of our society. Laws must change to support the new order. For now, the courts must decide the outcome based on our current technology and laws. We must invest the next four years and make our voting systems capable of supporting our transforming society, and build new law in this process.

--Steve R

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(12/11)

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