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Posted Thursday, Sept. 14, 2000, at 11:30 PM ET

This week the Federal Trade Commission officially accused Hollywood of intentionally luring children to violent movies, TV programs, and video games. Although the FTC doesn't support legislation of entertainment industry marketing, Al Gore might, and Slate's "Culturebox" columnist, Judith Shulevitz, does too. In this conversation, she and Jack Shafer, Slate's deputy editor and "Press Box" columnist, debate whether ads for violent entertainment should be regulated, censored, or just turned off.

Dear Judith,

"It takes a child to raze the constitutional rights of a village."—Robert Corn-Revere

At the risk of phoning it in from Planet Dilettante, let me take a shot at explaining why the Supremes would shred any bill regulating movie and computer-game marketing.

As you note, commercial speech doesn't enjoy as many legal protections as noncommercial speech. But in recent decades, our resourceful Supreme Court has extended the First Amendment to cover more and more commercial speech—provided that speech concerns lawful activity and is not misleading. Government can only restrict commercial speech if it demonstrates a "substantial" interest in restricting that speech and if the regulation directly advances the government's interest. The court also insists that lawmakers can't use a shotgun to regulate speech when a rifle will do.

So let's do the law: Movies rated R for violence and M-rated computer games are legal. The ads rarely deceive—violent films are always advertised as violent films. On a very, very good day, you might persuade the court that government has a substantial interest in preventing the marketing of violent entertainments to people under 17, and on a very, very, very good day you might also convince the court that your law does that. But I can imagine no scenario in which the court wouldn't say back to you, "Ms. Shulevitz, we sympathize with your plight. But if you want to put certain entertainments beyond the reach of those under 17, why not pass a law that makes such purchases illegal?"

Besides, the Supreme Court routinely smites laws that limit adult speech in the process of protecting children. This contempt for legislation that overreaches in the name of protecting children was reiterated this summer in United States vs. Playboy Entertainment Group, and in 1997 with their decision Reno vs. ACLU, the case that sank the Communications Decency Act. My personal favorite case in which commercial speech rights trumped the "protection of children" is 1983's Bolger vs. Youngs Drug Products Corp.

In Bolger, the Supreme Court struck down a federal (!) law that banned the mailing of unsolicited contraceptive ads. Bolger's supporters argued that the law protected families from receiving materials they found offensive and gave them more control over the way their children learned about birth control. But in keeping with its evolving devotion to commercial speech, the court found that neither of these interests justified such a sweeping prohibition against contraceptive ads. Please use a rifle, the court said, and leave your shotgun at home.

This concludes my legal exegesis. (Dahlia Lithwick, won't you please come home?)

***

Does the FTC brouhaha remind you of the demagogic hearings Congress staged in the '50s, when it successfully suppressed violent comic books? Or Spiro Agnew's 1970 campaign against rock music? (He claimed it encouraged drug use, which I suppose it did.) Or Al and Tipper Gore's PMRC crusade in the mid-'80s? Do the cycles of history demand that every generation or so we must hyperventilate about what our entertainments are doing to our children and call upon Washington to send in federal troops?

If history is any guide, I predict this whole furor will blow over the day after Election Day, once the McCains and Liebermans have exhausted the subject of its demagogic appeal. As you note, entertainment companies such as ABC, whose broadcast licenses are a tempting target for regulators, are already folding and banning ads for violent movies from prime time. Seventeen magazine will lose a couple of movie ads, as will Buffy the Vampire Slayer, and the game industry will make some mollifying gesture.

You'll get your way, but I don't envy you your victory. Kids know that they're not growing up unless they're flirting with adult pleasures, and by adding yet another layer of taboo to taboos already cloaking violent entertainments the crusaders have only increased their allure. The stench of backfire fills the air: To satisfy parental demands that they grow up, kids have new incentives to consume violent rap, blood-drenched games, and gun-crazy movies.

Posted Thursday, Sept. 14, 2000, at 11:30 PM ET
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This week the Federal Trade Commission officially accused Hollywood of intentionally luring children to violent movies, TV programs, and video games. Although the FTC doesn't support legislation of entertainment industry marketing, Al Gore might, and Slate's "Culturebox" columnist, Judith Shulevitz, does too. In this conversation, she and Jack Shafer, Slate's deputy editor and "Press Box" columist, debate whether ads for violent entertainment should be regulated, censored, or just turned off.
COMMENTS

Reader Comments from The Fray:


The purveyors of violence in movies are not artists. They are highly-paid commercial whores who are trying to make the most bucks they possibly can. The FTC report makes clear just how determined and analytical they are about making that money by going after kids. The only artistry involved is the First Amendment PR they put out. Their only real concerns are over their $*#$* bottom lines.

So I say we as a nation can figure out a reasonable way to take the profit out of this without endangering the ability of someone to make a political point in a film. One very simple, very concrete first step would be this: there is no more "the film has been rated R, the trailer is approved for all audiences" BS--if the movie is R, the trailer is R and you don't show it at a PG or PG-13 movie.

--Mike Kelly

(To reply, click here.)


If it is OK to make something, it should be OK to market it, especially if allegedly parents/adults make the final decision.

--Joe

(To reply, click here.)
[Part of a much longer post, part of a thread that argues out many of the issues.]


The real hypocrisy here is the would-be censors who weasel their way in with a rating system and then use that as an excuse to drag us all further down the slope because 'we agreed with them'. Rating a movie 'R' doesn't mean 'kids shouldn't see it'. That's XXX or NC-17. 'R' means 'some (subtext: overly sensitive) parents might not want their kids to see this'. Whose parents didn't let them see R-rated movies? Mine let me. My friends' let them. Well, except for this devout Christian family that everyone sort of looked at pityingly out of the corner of their eye (pitying them because they couldn't see R-rated movies and the like, of course). Turning a sop for the extreme right into an excuse to sue is such total bull-pocky that I'm chilled to the bone that it's getting as warm a reception as it is.

--Terrycloth

(To reply, click here.)

(9/12)


Reader Comment from The Fray:


Both Culturebox and Press Box appeal to constitutional lawyers to resolve their dispute over what the Supreme Court would do with a restriction on the marketing of R-rated entertainment to children. I am a First Amendment lawyer (I am currently counsel for the ACLU in challenging California's "Son of Sam" law before the California Supreme Court, among other things); here's my take.

While Culturebox is correct to point to the Central Hudson case as setting out the four-part test that is used to determine the constitutionality of regulations of commercial speech, it is important to understand that while the Court still invokes the Central Hudson test, it is increasingly finding commercial speech restrictions unconstitutional under that test. For instance, the Court recently struck down a prohibition on advertising state lotteries in neighboring states where gambling is prohibited. This certainly suggests that the "lawful conduct" prong of the commercial speech test is being de-emphasized. Recent cases emphasize whether the advertising is truthful and non-misleading, which is a recognition that the main interest the government has in regulating commercial speech is to protect against deceptive advertising.

As a result, the Court is likely to be skeptical of arguments that a restriction on non-misleading advertising is constitutional. The advertisements that Culturebox complains about are not misleading. Rather, the issue is whether an entertainment company can truthfully describe its products to children who are not supposed to be able to obtain the product without parental permission. I think that the Court would be extremely skeptical of such a law.

Further, there are two important points about the law that would tip in favor of striking it down. First, as Press Box notes, children are permitted to obtain these products with the permission of their parents. As Culturebox notes, there is a pragmatic concern over letting them see the advertisements, because kids may then beg their parents to let them see the R-rated movie or have the video game. But it is still the parent's decision. And there is a strong argument that advertisements that tell children that "X" is a product that their parents should buy for them is protected under the First Amendment. Or can the government ban all advertising for toys on Saturday morning kiddie shows?

Second, the ratings system itself does not have the force of law. This is tremendously important. In fact, I believe that it would be unconstitutional for the government to require the industry to rate their programs and products. (This would create a tremendous chill on expression, would be vague, and would also be a form of compelled speech which even Culturebox admits is unconstitutional.) But since the ratings system itself is not enshrined in law, it is not illegal to sell a kid an R-rated movie ticket or CD or video game in the first place. And if they are not prohibited from selling these materials to children (unlike, for instance, cigarettes or alcohol), how can they be prohibited from marketing them to children? To take an obvious example, would it be constitutional to ban anyone from wearing a Nazi uniform from within 1000 feet of a school, where anyone else with any other viewpoint is permitted to protest there? If it is legal generally to express ones self in the presence of children, it can't be illegal to express certain messages around children merely because those messages are "harmful". It cannot be the case that the government may permit the marketing of a CD containing lyrics that preach tolerance of homosexuals to children while prohibiting the marketing of a CD that contains lyrics that preach gay-bashing. That is content-based censorship. For that reason, I believe that the Court would strike down what Culturebox seeks.

--Dilan Esper

(To reply, click here.)

(9/18)

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