The Diallo Verdict: A Cop's View
I listened to the Diallo verdict in the administrative office of my command. Crowded into the small office were three lieutenants, three sergeants, and two detectives. These were some of the most senior supervisors in my unit. Except for me, every cop in the room had more than 15 years on the job. We had been placed on alert—ordered in from the field and into uniform, awaiting instructions from headquarters in the event that the public reaction to the verdict would turn violent. Some of the men in the room had worked all day and were there to find out if they could go home. Others had just arrived and waited to see what their tour had in store for them.
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StumbleUponAt five o'clock, the verdict was read. Each of six charges was read for each of the four defendants; 24 times the jury foreman responded "not guilty," and each time the members of the jury concurred. This took more than five minutes. There was not a sound in the admin office during that time. Our overwhelming emotion leading up to the verdict was sadness. We know that ultimately this episode is about the death of an innocent man.
We all felt that the removal of the case to Albany was wise. It is common knowledge in law enforcement and legal circles that juries in the Bronx are unsympathetic to cops. Officers on trial there frequently waive their right to have the case heard by a jury. For that matter, it is harder to get a conviction in the Bronx when a cop testifies for the prosecution. Many of these trials involve innocent people who must watch those who victimized them go free. Often, in the Bronx, justice is not done because the residents mistrust the police.
As it became clear that the four police officers who shot Amadou Diallo were going to be acquitted, there were quiet expressions of relief in the office. Some just let out the breath they were holding. We were relieved not just by the acquittal of four fellow cops who we all believed should not go to jail, but also by the confirmation that any of us, believing himself to be in mortal danger, can use his weapon.
Still, in my office—and, I suspect, in most of the rest of the police department—there were no cheers of joy at the system's success. The system did not fail those four cops, but it did fail Amadou Diallo. It failed in the most profound way that it could. And our knowledge that we are part of that system clouds any satisfaction we might take.
The Diallo cops are not entirely off the hook. There is the frequently mentioned possibility of a federal civil rights case against them. There is also the certainty of a review by the firearms review board of the police department. If they are found to have violated departmental procedure, they will face a department trial and possibly lose their jobs. But the smart money says they go back to work.
The worst thing that we as the police can do is take away someone's sense of security. I enjoy particularly good service from the police department—perhaps out of professional courtesy, or because I know a lot of cops, or because I speak their language. Not long ago, shortly after I bought a nifty new car, it was stolen, never to be seen again. Being a crime victim myself was traumatic; what made the incident much less difficult for me was the presence, effort, and sympathy from the two uniformed guys who showed up when I called the police. This is one of the nicest things about being a cop, and it is very easy to get used to. It is hard to imagine calling the police and being afraid that they will hurt me. It is hard to imagine being so afraid that I wouldn't call, even when I needed help. I know that it is incumbent upon us never to do this to anyone.
The actions of individual police officers can shape the feelings of the country toward all police officers. This is unlike almost any other group in America: Fairly or not, if I am corrupt or I am brutal, many will see me as representative of all cops. This is at least partially because I clothe myself in the system, and the system protects me. This does give a police officer the additional responsibility to act as an ambassador from the land of law enforcement at all times.
There was more at stake in Albany yesterday than the fate of four police officers. Thousands of cops' faith in the system was in jeopardy. Yet when we killed Diallo, more was snuffed out than the life of one unfortunate, innocent man. Many, many people's faith in the NYPD, an institution that I care about deeply, may have died with him. In any case, his death has set us way back. Police Officers Carroll, McMellon, Boss, and Murphy do not belong in jail. But every cop in my office today was aware that it is going to take a long time, a lot of sweat, and probably some blood to deal with what they have done.
Related in Slate: After the cops killed Amadou Diallo, everybody played the racial inference game. See William Saletan's "The Diallo Verdict: Rational Profiling?"
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Highlights from The Fray:
This struck me as one of the most balanced and sensitive reflections on the subject that I have yet read. But there is an even larger problem concerning law enforcement in the United States that needs to be addressed. At one level, most Americans recognize the danger faced by law enforcement officials on a daily basis and--with the exception of being caught speeding or otherwise in violation--think of the local and state police as a acting prudently and in the best interests of those they are sworn to protect. There is, however, another trend that makes the average American uneasy. At both state and local levels, there seems to be an increasing "militarization" of law enforcement culture. Military haircuts, undereducated officers, and excessive machismo are not the ingredients for a police presence that reassures the public. Even in small towns, police officers seem to be withdrawing to a sub-culture that strengthens their mutual solidarity but separates them from the citizens who should be their partners in keeping society and its laws intact. While the need to establish an authoritative presence in dangerous situations is to be expected, a detachment from civil society and an "us vs. them" mentality is bound to lead to misunderstanding and troubled relations between law enforcement officials and the citizenry. Community policing initiatives are a step in the right direction, but much more needs to be done to keep law enforcement officials a part of the solution and not a problem unto themselves.
--Rick Jones
(To reply, click here.)
I have very mixed feelings about the article by the NYPD officer. I do believe that all police officers must be able to act in self-defense. My concern in this particular case is that 41 shots were fired. I can't help but believe that somewhere around 10-15 bullets, that Mr. Diallo was no longer a threat. That makes me wonder about what was going on with the 4 officers while they were firing the next 25-30 bullets. Did their fear of being harmed turn into some kind of frenzy? Did they have any idea of how many shots they were taking? Did it occur to them that because they were in plain clothes, the person did not know who they were or understand what they were saying to them? When I watched the Rodney King video, I realized that Mr. King had been uncontrollable when the officers first began to subdue him. However, somewhere between maybe blow number 10 and blow number 56, the man was no longer a threat to the many officers standing around watching or adding blows. It was those 30 or 40 extra blows which caused many of us non-police citizens to react with revulsion at what we saw; it is the 41 bullets fired that causes me to react with revulsion at the Diallo death.
--Betty Leader
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To acquit on all counts sends a very disturbing message to all right thinking people. If you folks are relieved at this development, you simply do not understand what this is all about. This is probably the most disturbing part of what you had to say. Please attempt to see beyond the narrow confines of your world. The man was murdered, plain and simple. The decision of the jury is an abomination.
--Jon
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Cops are supposed to protect; that's why they're given authority; and when they protect, they're respected for the bravery and personal restraint they exhibit in doing so. Police intimidation tactics actually create tensions where there were none, because people, whether good citizens or not, react the same way to intimidation--by becoming angry at the degradation and humiliation. When citizens react in anger and the situation becomes tense, cops view themselves as under siege, further mistreating citizens and perpetuating the cycle. Think about it: why do female cops do so much better in confrontations with citizens? Why are female cops viewed as more honest and trustworthy than male cops? Why do they get more respect from citizens? Because for the most part female officers don't play these intimidation games - they don't swagger and snarl.
--TC Yoyo
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