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Bad IdeasThe law promoting outstanding excellence in fighting terrorism—and why you never heard about it.

By Dahlia Lithwick
Posted Tuesday, Nov. 27, 2007, at 6:52 PM ET
Representative Jane Harman (D-CA). Click image to expand.

For those well and truly tired of the Bush administration's proclivity for fighting imaginary problems with real powers (a real invasion to locate pretend nukes in Iraq; a real Guantanamo to warehouse pretend terrorist masterminds), Democratic California Rep. Jane Harman's new salvo in the war on terror is something of a relief. Even if you've never heard of the "Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act of 2007," you'll be delighted to learn that the legislation has, at least, the virtue of fighting imaginary problems with pretend solutions. After seven long years of government solutions far worse than the problems they purport to cure, perhaps that's a step in the right direction.

What exactly is "homegrown terrorism," and how does it differ from its hydroponically raised foreign counterparts? That's one of the many issues about which Harman's legislation is blurry. The bill defines homegrown terrorism as:

the use, planned use, or threatened use, of force or violence by a group or individual born, raised, or based and operating primarily within the United States or any possession of the United States to intimidate or coerce the United States government, the civilian population of the United States, or any segment thereof, in furtherance of political or social objectives.

In other words, it might include radical Islamists, Tim McVeigh, Greenpeace protesters or pro-life groups, or it might just target radical Islamists. Most everyone, including Harman herself, agrees that the United States doesn't have anything like the problem with indigenous radical Islamist terrorists as exists in, say, England or Germany. So, this law goes after all sorts of radical terrorists in the hopes of deterring them should they become radical Islamist terrorists along the way.

Perhaps because it appears to content itself with merely studying a problem that doesn't yet exist, the Homegrown Terrorism Prevention Act has slid under the media radar. The bill passed the House by a massive 404-6 margin and is expected to sail through the homeland security committee of Sen. Joseph Lieberman, I-Conn. The law amends Title VIII of the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to establish a 10-member "National Commission on the Prevention of Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism," tasked with centralizing and studying data. After 18 months, that commission will produce a report, then disband and establish a "Center of Excellence for the Study of Violent Radicalization and Homegrown Terrorism in the United States." The Center for Excellence (not to be confused with Montgomery Burns' "Outstanding Achievement in the Field of Excellence" award) would then continue to "study the social, criminal, political, psychological, and economic roots of violent radicalization and homegrown terrorism," presumably until it becomes a problem in America, at which point the center will then work toward eradicating that as well.

Those who have remarked upon the passage of the bill fall into two general categories: folks who claim it does nothing at all, and those who fear it may do something quite terrible. I'm inclined toward a hybrid position, suspecting the law does nothing at all yet symbolizes something quite terrible.

In the former category, Jeff Stein at Congressional Quarterly criticizes the act as a redundant boondoggle: The FBI, the Directorate of National Intelligence, and the New York Police Department have already been studying the issue exhaustively. According to Stein, Congress "could save taxpayers money by sponsoring a field trip to the local Barnes and Noble, whose shelves are groaning with tomes on terrorism." Lindsay Beyerstein similarly reports for In These Times that the Centers for Excellence would simply be duplicating work already being done at the Southern Poverty Law Center, the Anti-Defamation League, the Simon Wiesenthal Center, and places like the START program at the University of Maryland. With the Congressional Budget Office estimating that the act may cost approximately $22 million over four years, that's a lot of money spent copying other folks' homework.

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Dahlia Lithwick is a Slate senior editor.
Photograph of Rep. Jane Harman by Alex Wong/Getty Images. Photograph of the U.S. Capitol Building on Slate's home page by Photodisc.
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