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the breakfast table: An e-mail conversation about the news of the day.

from: David Brooks
to: Joe Klein

Hoping for a Good Foreign Policy Fight

Posted Thursday, Jan. 31, 2002, at 12:28 PM ET

Who are these people?

Note: The first entry was sent last night.

Joe,

This is interesting. For the first couple days of this week, we've been peas in a pod, agreeing on most things. Indeed over the past few years, I've agreed with most of the things you've been writing. But now we see the Bush foreign policy doctrine with different eyes. I wonder if Phase 2 of the war on terror is going to bring out a full-blown, highly passionate foreign policy debate in this country. I wonder if the Iraq issue will create militant pro-war and anti-war camps. (If so, I've got bad news for you: You're going to be anguished in the middle, at least at first.)



I sometimes try to explain to college-age kids what it was like to be in Washington when the funding-for-the-Contras debate was going strong. To them, it's unrecognizable. If you came of age since, say, 1985, you've never really seen a vicious debate over foreign policy. You might actually fall for the crap about the Cold War being a period of clarity in American politics.

I half hope we get into a foreign policy tussle. Domestic policy debates are dominated by bogus studies and counterstudies and all those damn economists. Spare me a lifetime of stimulus packages. Foreign policy debates are actually about core values. And as Teddy Roosevelt said in his "Strenuous Life" speech (why do I keep coming back to him?), nations reveal their ideals to themselves by the way they conduct their foreign policy.

Two last things for today. George Bush has in fact boldly challenged the Republican Party. Look at how the congressional Republicans behaved until Bush came along. They were happy to pull out of just about every foreign commitment you could name, and they were unthinkingly hostile to any positive government action. Their broad global vision was limited to the question: Is the budget balanced? The party had fallen into a corporatist slough. Bush has lifted it up. In fact, he has changed his party almost as much as Clinton changed his. And if Bush follows the logic of his argument, he will indeed radically boost our foreign aid spending. If you get into nation building, you've got to get in with both feet.

Finally, you say that Iran and Iraq never actually target Americans. I guess I'd say: 1) Saddam did try to kill George H.W. Bush. 2) He does host terrorist training bases where they learn to hijack planes. 3) He declares himself a great enemy of the United States. 4) He is working on weapons of mass destruction that would be highly effective in killing Americans. 5) Even if he is only interested in using nuclear weapons to incinerate Tel Aviv, that's enough for me. I still want to see him destroyed before he does.

It might also not be a bad idea to recognize that some ideologies are intrinsically menacing to liberty and security, and that radical Islam is one such ideology.

Best,
David

from: David Brooks
to: Joe Klein

Hoping for a Good Foreign Policy Fight

Posted Thursday, Jan. 31, 2002, at 12:28 PM ET
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David Brooks is senior editor of the Weekly Standard and author of Bobos in Paradise. Joe Klein is a staff writer at The New Yorker and the author of The Natural: The Misunderstood Presidency of Bill Clinton.
Photograph of Teddy Roosevelt on Slate's Home Page © Corbis.
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Wednesday Notes From the Fray Editor:

The main topic in the Fray is the State of the Union speech. REW-OEM explains here why he was tempted to join the 84% but ended up in the 16%, and asks "Why is it not possible to respect and applaud President Bush's positively spun and well transformed public demeanor, acknowledge his strength and steadfastness in difficult times, and yet still question the will and wisdom of his plans for our future?" More questions: Anita tries to answer Joe Klein's "how do you convince people that a certain selflessness is good for the soul…?" John-Paul Spiro read "bourgeois democratic nations…don't breed poisonous ideological groups" and wants to ask "What do you call Timothy McVeigh?" Why does Peter Lahey feel like a character from Invasion of the Body Snatchers? Click here to find out.


Reader Comments From The Fray:

What Brooks calls idealism could itself be called, and often has been, imperialism or the spread of global capitalism or an arrogant disrespect for the sovereignty of other nations. To define the "spreading" of any cultural force or view (democracy, capitalism, or hmmm say Christianity) by force as "idealistic" seems on the face of it absurdly ethnocentric and arrogant. One must, like Hegel, be willing to assert that one's culture represents the historical pinnacle and telos of human endeavor--in which case, every other country, including Great Britain (with their nasty socialist ways!) would have to be invaded and made to conform to the US Constitution in the name of American idealism. To suggest, as Brooks does, that bourgeois democracy represents the best that can be aspired to--well, that's a dim thought, made no brighter by being pasted with the shiny label of "idealism."

--J

(To find or answer this post, click
here .)

Monday Notes From The Fray Editor:

Always check your quotations or the Fray will get you. All together now: "I saw the best minds of my generation destroyed by madness." (We'll miss out the "starving hysterical naked" bit.) Other phrases that caught readers attention were "by any means necessary" (in regard to questioning suspects) and "congenital DNA" (What other kind is there, asked one poster.) Urquhart says Klein "gets points for use of the word 'dudgeon,' which I've never seen outside of a Wodehouse novel." And there are plenty of discussions on Enron and the economy.


Reader Comments From The Fray:


Klein thinks we should be "interrogating the hell out of them by any means necessary." Does this include torture? I'd like to hear his opinion. And his reference to the nine families who lost loved ones is weak. Yes, we should remember the damage done by the terrorists. But that doesn't mean that every policy argument needs to have the approval of the relatives of the victims.

--Leonard

(To find or answer this post, click here.)


It seems to me the public's indifference about the extent of Enron's dealings with the Bush administration says more about the public than it does about our need to know. I doubt Cheney would risk the potential political damage of a court dispute if he didn't think the contents of his meeting notes were potentially more explosive. If Cheney's right, and this is just Dem hype, then prove us wrong and release the documents. Enron shareholders got screwed, in part, by a lack of corporate transparency. Cheney's claim that disclosing these documents could impair future leaders' ability to consult with corporation without fear of public scrutiny is, at best, disingenuous, at worst, more of the same opaqueness that got us in this mess.

--John Rogers

(To find or answer this post, click here.)






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