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John Podhoretz and Michael Waldman

The Real Convention

Posted Wednesday, Aug. 16, 2000, at 2:49 PM ET

John,

Gee, I'm sorry you're having such a glum time. You should have come with me to the tribute to the four Clinton chiefs of staff, held in a rather eccentric auto museum. (No half-naked mermaids, but Mack McLarty, Erskine Bowles, and Adam West's original Batmobile--top that for excitement!) Most Democrats I know were still glowing about Clinton's speech a day later. I have heard a lot of grumbling, too, but nearly all of it is about Los Angeles. The real fun of a political convention takes place in crowded hotel lobbies, where it should be possible to plant oneself next to a potted palm, meet dozens of friends, and see the world. Here, you have to pick which party you will go to, drive 40 minutes to get there, stay sober for the drive back, etc. W.C. Fields was right: I'd rather be in Philadelphia.

What is a bit disconcerting is the feeling that the "real" convention--the Gore convention--hasn't really begun yet. That was plainly a choice of the Gore campaign, which wanted to stage this as a weeklong separation drama. Monday night was Clinton night. Wednesday and Thursday night are Gore and Lieberman night. Tuesday, though, seemed a wasted opportunity. It was liberal night, but with no clear message and no sharply or memorably drawn contrast with the Republicans.

Tonight and tomorrow night should be fun. Lieberman's moment will be emotionally powerful, if nothing else. I will certainly be kvelling. (Like many speechwriters, the first speech I wrote was my bar mitzvah speech. "My fellow Democrats, today I am a man.") And I won't be surprised if Gore delivers a great speech. Again, at these conventions, he usually does. His secret weapon may be humor. He is very funny in private, and has done well when he allowed himself to be droll onstage. It's a deft way to demonize the GOP without looking angry.

I will be interested, among other things, to hear how he makes his case. By late 1995, Clinton and Gore had formed the arguments and language they used in the election a year later. ("Fighting for a balanced budget that honors our values--by protecting Medicare, Medicaid, education, and the environment." Our shorthand was MMEE.) George W. Bush, too, has been using the same themes and language for a year. Gore, though, is still refining his arguments. I have been most struck by his populist, "the people vs. the powerful" rallying cry. For Clinton, New Democrat values-based language--"opportunity for all, responsibility from all, a community of all"--was a way to cut through cultural static so Reagan Democrats and others would hear his message. Gore enthusiastically denounces Big Oil, pharmaceutical companies, polluters, and so on. It is a way for him to show what he cares about, and can help draw a contrast with Bush and Cheney. Also, it may appeal to disaffected working-class Democrats or the still-untethered Perot/McCain voters. Still, it won't be easy to make it sound fresh to New Economy voters. And Gore will have to be careful not to undermine his own argument that Democrats can be trusted with prosperity, while the Republicans can't.

Happy Days Are Here Again!!</?xml:namespace>

The Real Convention

Posted Wednesday, Aug. 16, 2000, at 2:49 PM ET
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John Podhoretz served as a speechwriter for President Ronald Reagan. He's now a twice-weekly columnist for the New York Post and a contributing editor to the Weekly Standard. Michael Waldman, former director of speechwriting for President Clinton, is the author of the forthcoming POTUS Speaks: Finding the Words That Defined the Clinton Presidency (click here to buy it).
COMMENTS

Reader Comments from The Fray:




[Reaction to Monday's entry]

Perhaps the reason Gore wants it to be known that he is writing his own speech is that he wants to focus on the content rather than presentation. (Yes, I know that would be revolutionary and possibly seditious.)

As a minor official who has written speeches for others, for myself and occasionally read speeches written by others, I believe the best person to write a speech is the person who best knows what needs to be said (not necessarily the same thing as who knows the most). Gore is trying to say that he is his own man, not mouthing the words others have prepared, and if the result is less felicitous and ear-catching than the work of true professionals, does that really matter?

--David

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here.)


Er, a defendant has a right to a lawyer to defend him because the power of the state is being directed against him. A politician has no right to a speechwriter because the politician is trying to seize the power of the state (at least part of it) and people deserve to know what he/she thinks. We've already got too many courtroom analogies in politics anyway--but just because most politicians ought to be on trial nowadays doesn't mean that they are, in all respects, entitled to the protections that defendants get. Presumption of innocence, for example, exists because the state has the burden of proving someone guilty. But in elections, politicians have the burden of showing themselves worthy. Few in recent experience have met this burden.

--Daniel Webster

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here.)


It's not true that only Lincoln could write his own speeches. So could Washington, Adams, Jefferson, Madison and jumping ahead and across the pond, Churchill and many others. And the issue is not just speeches. Some statesmen have actually been able to craft state papers and diplomatic correspondence themselves.

This is not to say that important documents--and that can include political speeches--should never be collaborative works. Of course they should be. Washington frequently relied on Madison and Hamilton, among others, in his writings. (Of, course, they also were statesmen, not mere scribblers).

The common lament is that modern presidents have too much to do; so overwhelmed are they that they could never write their own speeches or correspondence. This is baloney. Lincoln managed to run a nation at war with a million-man army in the field while managing to write most of his own stuff with the help of a few trusted cabinet members and his two secretaries. And Churchill managed to run a nation at war with bombs falling over his own head, while dictating elaborate memos to colleagues, letters to FDR and other foreign counterparts and speeches to parliament, among other documents. Much of what consumes the modern president's time is a constant stream of photo ops, political meetings and appearances and fundraising

--Publius

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here.)


Anyone who attempts to justify his or her profession by likening it to being a lawyer, as John Podhoretz does, is surely treading in murky ethical waters.

--Jeff Brunswick

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[Reaction to Tuesday's entry]

As all of us who follow politics--including Mr. Podhoretz--know very very well indeed, the same arguments made by Bentsen, Rubin, Tyson, Blinder, Summers, Panetta and company had been previously made to Reagan and Bush by senior Reagan and Bush administration officials like Stockman, Feldstein, Darman, and Shultz. They were correct during the Clinton Administration. They had been correct during the Bush Administration. And they had been correct during the Reagan Administration.

The difference is that--unlike his two predecessors--Clinton had the brains to understand these arguments and the guts to follow through on them.

--Brad DeLong

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here.)


[Reaction to Wednesday's entry]

As a native Los Angeleno, a barbie worshiper, bleached blonde, and a chronic surfer I say to Mr. John Podhoretz:

Welcome to L.A. Now Go Home.

--Candi F.

(To reply, click
here.)

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