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Anne and Emily: I was as riveted as you by Carl Cameron’s breathless dishing—as well as by O’Reilly's almost palpable desire to smash him in the face on live television—but I couldn’t help but balk a little at the substance of the McCain campaign's criticisms: Palin is described as colossally stupid. And a diva (prone to tantrums and throwing things). And someone who opens her hotel room door in just a bathrobe (inappropriately sexual) and also a shopaholic who already had far too many clothes to begin with. Just wondering if the sexism threaded through all that doesn’t make it a little less juicy and a lot more worrisome?
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I agree, Anne, that the gleeful details being spread by McCain’s staff about Sarah Palin’s Ali G-like geographical bewilderment, her temper tantrums, and refusal to accept interview preparation are particularly juicy. Let's accept all this is true—aren't McCain’s own people making the argument for why McCain deserved to lose? Their guy, who is 72 and has had melanoma almost as many times as Larry King has been married, picked Palin after a couple of brief conversations. The staff's “now it can be told” eviscerating of her actually makes the campaign look as if it was trying to perpetrate a fraud on the public.
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My beloved Liz Lemon—er, I mean Tina Fey—isn't the only one suggesting that Sarah Palin's focus has shifted from 2008 to 2012. Today, trying get a jump on the post-election story before the polls even open, much less close, a host of politicos are placing their bets over who will emerge from the broken GOP as the next to be (unofficially) crowned party leader.
When John McCain chose his running mate, he was rightfully lambasted as cynical for passing over experienced insider men for an accessible outsider woman. In the end, he was right on one count: that a swath of the American public—though one which perhaps may not be wide enough to elect him tomorrow—felt so disenfranchised by the people who hold power in this country that they would line up behind someone who reflected and could articulate their own proud feelings of ordinariness. (This profound cultural conflict—rooted deep in issues of education and economics—will require far more systemic thinking than the fuzzy feeling of "unity" Obama hopes to usher in tomorrow and beyond.) Where McCain may have been wrong—and this is big—was in his perception of this election as a game of identity politics.
People have talked plenty about whether Obama is a post-race candidate for a post-race America. I've generally taken issue with that notion—and should he be elected, my heart positively swells with the notion of the descendant of slaves raising her children inside the White House. But by the same flawed token, did Sarah Palin become a post-gender candidate for a post-gender America? Of course, Palin has certainly worked her gender in this race: from that flirty wink and sky-high Manolos to her uber-mom positioning. But like Obama's race hasn't been the totalizing meta-narrative of his candidacy, neither has Palin's gender, and just as this hasn't been an election year for single issue voters, it hasn't been one for single-identity ones either, despite what pundits may have predicted from the outset. We entered this race all aflutter about our first female presidential candidate. We're ending it considering the next one with hardly a shrug about her gender.
While I am hardly a Palin fan, and for myriad reasons shudder to imagine how she might develop with the next four years to study up, the fact that neither her supporters nor her detractors seemed to make a big deal about a female commander in chief (remember those days?) suggests that in unexpected ways, we've come a long way during this long march to Election Day.
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The popular notion that independent voters—who are more than 40 percent of undecided voters—are a collection of cranks and people so unable to choose properly that in the words of David Sedaris they would have trouble deciding between an airplane meal of chicken and the “platter of shit with bits of broken glass.” Independents don’t see it quite that way. According to a recent op-ed in the Wall Street Journal, being an independent—and I’m one—comes with a specific set of policy beliefs. As writer John Avlon enumerated them, I suddenly felt like the shunned kid at the school cafeteria who finds a table of similar misfits. Independent’s beliefs zigzag across party orthodoxy—we’re national security hawks and social liberals. So some of us are left having to choose a candidate who leaves us deeply uneasy on one of these fundamentals.
I’ve been concerned about Barack Obama’s praise for the criminal justice model of fighting terrorism; this model requires terrorists to act so that we can respond. But then I consider that I want abortion to be not only legal, but available. So I don’t want a president whose Supreme Court appointments might undo Roe v. Wade. Independents are weary of extreme partisanship. Everyone says that of course, it’s like saying you despise celebrity gossip. But obviously most Democrats and Republicans really don’t despise it, or else there wouldn’t be so much commentary along the Sedaris line above. Take the economic meltdown—both Democrats and Republicans pushed policies that lead to it—but no politician can say that. Perhaps the independents’ dilemma will solve itself with the rise in our numbers—Avlon says we have grown from 22 percent of voters in 1954 to about 44 percent today—and someday we will get a candidate of our own.
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