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    The Deal With Add-Ons

    One advantage of the 2008 Primary: Director’s Cut: Extended Edition is the opportunity to learn every last minutia of the Democratic nomination process. What used to be a complex, impenetrable system no one had time to examine has now become a complex, impenetrable system we have way, way, too much time to examine.

    Under the microscope today is a group of superdelegates called add-on delegates. The 76 add-ons are unbound, just like other superdelegates. The difference is that they’re not named until the spring, when the states hold their conventions. Most states have just one add-on delegate, but some bigger states have more. (Pennsylvania, for example, has three; California has five.) Each state has a different process for selecting add-ons—sometimes the state party chair picks them, sometimes it’s a committee, sometimes an entire convention. If you’re curious, DemConWatch lists when and how each state picks.

    So although you can’t predict their behavior perfectly, there’s at least some logic behind which way the add-ons swing. For example, California state party chairman Art Torres says he plans to pick the state’s five add-ons proportionally according to the primary results—three for Clinton, two for Obama. In Washington, D.C., where Obama won overwhelmingly, one add-on has declared for Obama and one is still undecided. In states with only one add-on, the delegate is likely to go to the candidate who won the state. That’s why Clinton won Arkansas’ single add-on delegate. In general, the add-ons seem to break down roughly according to which candidate won where.

    So here’s an experiment: What happens if each of the states that haven’t yet selected their add-ons pick proportionally according to the primary results? (For the sake of argument, we’ll go with ABC’s prediction yesterday that Clinton wins Pennsylvania, Indiana, West Virginia, Kentucky, and Puerto Rico, and that Obama wins Guam, North Carolina, Oregon, Montana, and South Dakota.) In states that have more than one delegate, we split them roughly proportionally. For example, each candidate gets one of South Carolina’s two add-ons; likewise, each gets two of New York’s four. In Pennsylvania, we’ll give Clinton two and Obama one.

    In this scenario, of the 63 add-on delegates that have yet to be selected, Obama gets 35 and Clinton gets 28. Factor in the add-ons who have already declared their allegiances, and Obama gets 41, Clinton 29. (Another five have been selected, but not yet announced whom they’re backing.) In other words, it’s likely the add-ons will split in Obama’s favor, or at worst roughly 50-50.

    The takeaway point being that the superdelegate wall we discussed yesterday is even higher if you take the add-on situation into account. Seeing as the add-ons are likely to favor Obama, Clinton needs even more than 70 percent of the remaining uncommitted superdelegates (our ballpark prediction) in order to reach 2025. One Frayster, “Independent Don,” crunched the numbers (an excellent post I encourage you to read) and concluded that if the two candidates hypothetically split the remaining pledged delegates 50-50, then, given the likely allocation of add-ons, Clinton would need to win a whopping 90 percent of the remaining 230 or so superdelegates to get the nomination.

    It’s not often we use the word “impossible” around here. But it’s starting to look like there is no other way to describe Clinton's chances.

About Christopher Beam

  • Christopher Beam is a Slate political reporter.
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