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Well, it looks like John McCain will have to stop using Roberts-Alito as if it were one word to describe his preferred type of judicially restrained nominee.
In recent disquisitions about judges, McCain has been trying to simultaneously shore up his conservative base without riling up his moderate friends. It's a difficult rope to walk without hanging oneself. Indeed, the conservatives have already noted a McCain tendency to flatter Roberts and Alito but to omit the more controversial (to moderates) Scalia and Thomas.
Now McCain has a new problem. Roberts and Alito are going different ways. What is a candidate trying to rely on the caricature of judicial activism to do?
Justice Alito has twice rejected the chief justice's willingness to allow government activities immunity from the jurisprudence of the dormant commerce clause that preserves an interstate market from economic protectionism (Kentucky Department of Revenue v. Davis this term and last term United Haulers v. Oneida-Herkimer Solid Waste Management Authority both thoughtfully discussed by Lyle Dennison on SCOTUSblog), and today these Reagan fraternity brothers are divided over an important age-discrimination case. Justice Alito took a lot of heat for carefully parsing the statute of limitation under Title VII last year, which denied a gender-discrimination lawsuit as being beyond the time permitted to sue (Ledbetter v. Goodyear). Roberts agreed with him on that one. Today, in Gomez-Perez v. Potter, however, Alito and Roberts divided again over an age-retaliation claim under the ADEA, with Alito allowing it.
The Alito opinion is a testament to meticulous statutory analysis, fully utilizing text and legislative history as well as situating the decision in the larger body of civil rights and employment statutes and precedent. It gives lie to the notion that Alito is pro-business or anti-employee, so prominently alleged during his confirmation hearing. As his colleagues on the 3rd Circuit knew (and testified, contrary to the academic sniping), Justice Alito is simply pro-reading-the-law-carefully. That is not to say the chief justice doesn't read statutes well—it's just that his dissenting opinion today puts far more emphasis upon a speculation drawn from why the executive branch has separately treated retaliation claims for federal workers differently than can be found in the text and structure of the statutory regime.
What should not be lost, however, is that even as Alito and Roberts disagree, it is a disagreement that is both civil and broadly incorporating of respect for precedent and legislative history.
And what about Justices Scalia and Thomas—those great unmentionable ones to Sen. McCain? They separately dissented in Gomez-Perez because of, among other reasons, one suspects, Justice Scalia's well-known dislike for any mention of legislative history.
Oh, and to make things more interesting, Roberts-Alito split together from Thomas-Scalia in a second case, CBOCS West v. Humphries, implying a retaliation claim under Section 1981, a statute that deals expressly with race only. Thomas and Scalia have made a point of emphasizing that racial discrimination and retaliation for racial discrimination are not one in the same. Analytically, it is a sound point. Unfortunately, it is also a point that the court has rejected several times, and that precedent (right or wrong initially) is too embedded in the overall structure of civil rights law to be set aside, a point nicely highlighted by Emily.
Will the real judicially restrained judge please step forward? Using the canard of widespread judicial misbehavior is just not in the cards for John McCain. We are the better for it, and the independent-minded John McCain of 2000 would have agreed.
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Thanks, Orin, for replaying some of my greatest hits on the judicial role and the separation of powers. As I mentioned in my earlier posts on Sen. McCain's remarks, he and I are in large agreeement on the quality of Chief Justice Roberts and Justice Alito, and unlike him, I am willing to openly add Justices Scalia and Thomas—who seem rather expediently missing from the senator's listing of judicial exemplars. Even candidate McCain's likely opponent, Sen. Obama, has written openly that he is "not unsympathetic to Justice Scalia's position [on originalism]." One is tempted to say to Sen. McCain, "Yes, you can!" Have the courage of your convictions, man. That said, as I earlier wrote, Sen. McCain did have fine and unexceptional things to say about the judicial duty to observe the structural provisions of the Constitution.
But it still seems quite unwise and unfortunate for candidate McCain making his major speech on the judiciary to:
1. Lead with an unwarranted and unhealthy condemnation of the Third Branch, which candidate McCain described as "the common and systematic abuse of our federal courts by the people we entrust with judicial power." Common! (putting aside the good-faith efforts of extraordinary Democratic appointees like Merrick Garland and David Tatel, how "common" can the "abuse" be if there have been 20 years of Republican judicial personnel added to the federal bench since 1981?)
2. Attack the Constitution, itself, which I take it is what McCain means by systemic! Candidate McCain glancingly posits that the founding design of the Constitution leaves the court unchecked, when Article III clearly does not. This, unfortunately, reveals less understanding of the separation of powers than his rhetorical flourishes of praise for constitutional structure elsewhere in his text lead us to believe.
3. Have as its real purpose slamming Sen. Obama's mistaken vote against John Roberts and Samuel Alito. Now, we are on to something, but instead of saying something new or helpful about the difficulty of constitutional interpretation, the names of these venerable public servants are trotted out like bumper stickers. Candidate McCain makes no effort, and since he was speaking at a university with a law program of some note, one might have anticipated one to engage the topic in other than partisan and time-worn fashion. It's not as if Sen. Obama's judicial philosophy is hard to find. It would, for example, appear much influenced by Stephen Breyer's theory of Active Liberty. While giving "reverence" to the founding design, Sen. Obama, like Justice Breyer, believes constitutional principle not to be "static," with its "general principles" promoting active democratic participation while at the same time capable of dealing with the 21st century realities of "NSA computer data mining, ... freedom of speech on the Internet," and the like.
It would be a fine debate worthy of the next national convention of the Federalist Society and the ACS to undertake a serious examination of the competing interpretative views of the McCain-Obama contest. As Orin points out, Sen. McCain and I apparently both thought originalist material was not sufficiently relied upon as applied to the facts of Roper v. Simmons. While that was a juvenile death-penalty case, it is interesting that Sen. Obama in the somewhat different contexts of "mass murder, and the rape and murder of a child" finds the death penalty to be warranted. Since this is an area of substantive agreement on a sensitive and controversial topic, candidate McCain might have used his academic address to make some genuine contribution to the debate by examining why in judicial reasoning, it's not just policy agreement that counts, but how one gets there.
The point remains: The McCain speech unfairly attacked the good-faith service of the Third Branch generally; asserted in cursory fashion constitutional flaws that were not shown by the senator to exist; and took a snarky, partison swipe at his likely general-election opponent, whose writing contains a similar concern to that raised by Sen. McCain, that too often "Republicans no less than Democrats ... [have] asked the courts to overturn democratic decisions ... that they didn't like." Sen. Obama, whose judicial philosophy pays heed to originalist principle but does not rest there, openly questions whether his party "in [its] reliance on the courts to vindicate not only our rights but also our values ... had lost too much faith in democracy."
A small amount of research by candidate McCain's talented legal-advisory group would find both points of interpretative disagreement, within intriguing overlaps as well as points of accord with Sen. Obama. Wrestling with that reality would have been an interesting and honest talk. Indeed, that would have been the kind of talk someone interested in not being politically confused as offering only a third George W. Bush term might have been most anxious to give. Instead, candidate McCain chose only to warm over the tired commentary of the past, even that given by a tired old professorial soul like myself, while adding his own unique signature of political diviseness, constitutional mistake, and gratuitous insult to those who are presently serving on the bench. Frankly, I like my version better, and a new, substantively honest discussion of the important role of the courts in our constitutional system would have been the best of all.
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In covering John McCain's effort to win friends with the conservative base by praising Chief Justice Roberts and Associate Justice Alito (which I agree they deserve, not because they are reflexively conservative, but because they are jurists who are admirably dedicated to an objective appraisal of the law as written), the national media missed the big, and more troubling, story: McCain wrongly attacked both the Constitution and Article III judges.
McCain's claim that there is "systemic abuse" of the federal judicial office is an occasion not to praise him but to ask his apology for the overwhelming legions of federal judges who serve with distinction and at modest pay often without acknowledgment. To say that McCain meant only to single out the few who defy text, and who justly warrant and receive reversal, is to overlook the intemperate sweep of the McCain condemnation of the Third Branch. In his obvious effort to, well, pander, Sen. McCain did a disservice to these public servants and, as I earlier wrote, falsely assailed the Constitution for a flaw that does not exist, and insidiously undermines public trust in the fairness of the judicial process. Let McCain's overbroad and unrefined words speak for themselves:
There is one great exception in our day, however, and that is the common and systematic abuse of our federal courts by the people we entrust with judicial power. ... With a presumption that would have amazed the framers of our Constitution, and legal reasoning that would have mystified them, federal judges today issue rulings and opinions on policy questions that should be decided democratically. Assured of lifetime tenures, these judges show little regard for the authority of the president, the Congress, and the states.
This is not straight talk; it is calumny.
The Democratic response issued by DNC Chairman Howard Dean was scarcely better. Dean's feeble, and partisan, tit-for-tat effort to paint the chief justice and Justice Alito as "activists" is so thin that it makes one want to engage in the practice for which Dean is most famous: scream. Dean's response, which shows no appreciation for the solid points Sen. McCain did make about the importance of observing the constitutional structure, illustrates a serious problem for presumptive nominee Barack Obama: Sen. Obama may want to bring his party to a higher, more noble plane where reason is recognized not to be bounded by its red or blue origin, but the leadership of his party apparently still wants to fight in the gutter.