Convictions: Slate's blog on legal issues



Tuesday, June 17, 2008 - Posts

  • And Elsewhere on Capitol Hill


    For what it's worth, Bill Kristol was on Fox News Sunday claiming that "very soon," Sens. McCain and Graham would introduce national security court legislation in the wake of Boumediene. Kristol, of course, may be trying to create facts on the ground. All the same, Think Progress has a partial transcript and video. Here's the key passage.

    KRISTOL: [Habeas for detainees] is totally uncharted waters. It's utterly unmanageable. And I think what it means is Congress has to step in now and specify, OK, if the court's going to make us do this, we need to set up a system of a national security court that can handle these trials.  And this has been proposed by Andrew McCarthy, the former federal prosecutor who tried the blind sheik in New York and has a very good book out on the problems of trying to do this through the federal legal system. ...

    Senator Lindsey Graham is working on this.  And I think you will see Senator Graham, accompanied by Senator McCain, come to the floor of the Senate very soon, like next week, and say, We cannot let chaos obtain here. We can't let 200 different federal district judges on their own whim call this CIA agent here, say, ‘I don't believe this soldier here who said this guy was doing this,' you have to release someone,' or, ‘Let's build up—let's compromise sources and methods with a bunch of trials. I mean, it's ridiculous.

    So Congress has to act. Senator Graham and Senator McCain are going to insist on action. It will be interesting to see what Senator Obama's response is if the serious legislative proposal is introduced to set up a way of doing this consistent with the Supreme Court decision.

  • Apples and Oranges


    Guess I'm missing something, Phil, but what's the connection you see between the Iqbal grant and the prosecution-planning conference?

    Ashcroft v. Iqbal concerns the resort by an individual plaintiff to federal court to seek civil damages against high-ranking federal officials. In so doing, he followed  a decades-old path: In Bivens v. Six Unknown Federal Narcotics Agents (1971) the court, by a 6-3 margin, had established such actions as a corollary to 42 U.S.C. § 1983, that portion of the Civil Rights Act of 1871 authorizing suits against state officials alleged to have committed deprivations of civil rights. In contrast, the conference appears to be an effort by private persons to develop a criminal case against high-ranking U.S. officials.

    The first case ought to be routine. Deborah's post thus is spot-on in assuming an unfriendly grant of review. The loser below was a high-ranking U.S. official, challenged on account of his actions post-9/11, by means of a litigation vehicle, the Bivens action, that has drawn conservative ire since its inception.

    The second instance is quite different. It is true that, in many countries adhering to a continental legal tradition, private persons may act as parties civiles who develop a criminal case and present it to public prosecutors for further investigation, prosecution, and punishment. The procedure's been invoked a number of times—to date unsuccessfully—in efforts to use courts in Germany and elsewhere as forums for criminal actions against U.S. officials like former Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld for post-9/11 policies. But there exists no such mechanism in the United States by which the "planning conference" might bear fruit. In any event, there's an apples-and-oranges difference between civil-damages suits and criminal prosecutions ending in imprisonment.

    So what's the link?

  • How Did Jim Haynes and Donald Rumsfeld Come to Authorize Torture, Cruel Treatment, and Systematic Violations of the UCMJ?


    Photograph of Donald Rumsfeld by Paul J. Richards/AFP/Getty Images.In October and early November of 2002, numerous lawyers with the Defense Department advised General Counsel Jim Haynes that the contemplated use of severe "SERE" interrogation techniques would likely violate the torture statute and the Uniform Code of Military Justice. The JAGs further advised that the techniques would appear to violate the president's directive that detainees be treated "humanely." (These lawyers were apparently unaware of the, uh, idiosyncratic meaning of the president's and vice president's use fo the word humanely.) Oh, and they also pointedly warned that use of those techniques would undermine the ability to obtain convictions in any future military commission proceedings. (Prescient, weren't they?)

    So, what happened next?

    Well, Jim Haynes consulted with Deputy Secretary Wolfowitz, Doug Feith, and Gen. Myers, after which,
    on Nov. 27, 2002, he opined to Secretary Rumsfeld that all of the proposed techniques "may be legally available." (Haynes also advised that, for policy reasons, "a blanket approval" of waterboarding and threats of death "is not warranted at this time.")

    Note that carefully: Haynes was advised by many lawyers, throughout the Pentagon, that the techniques would be unlawful—after which, without explanation, he informed the secretary that they all "may be legally available"—and recommended approval of some of the most extreme techniques.

    How could that possibly have happened?

    Find out at Balkinization

  • High Crimes?


    Today comes a bizarre follow-up to Deb's post regarding the Supreme Court's decision to grant cert in a case involving legal accountability for high officials. Over at the Volokh Conspiracy, Orin Kerr points to news that a group of legal academics is planning to convene a conference to plan the prosecution, trial, and punishment for senior Bush administration officials. The effort is reportedly being led by Lawrence Velvel, dean of the Massachusetts School of Law at Andover:

    "This is not intended to be a mere discussion of violations of law that have occurred," said convener Lawrence Velvel, dean and cofounder of the school. "It is, rather, intended to be a planning  conference at which plans will be laid and necessary organizational structures set up, to pursue the guilty as long as necessary and, if need be, to the ends of the Earth."

    "We must try to hold Bush administration leaders accountable in courts of justice," Velvel said. "And we must insist on appropriate punishments, including, if guilt is found, the hangings visited upon top German and Japanese war-criminals in the 1940s."

    ... "For Bush, Richard Cheney, Donald Rumsfeld, and John Yoo to spend years in jail or go to the gallows for their crimes would be a powerful lesson to future American leaders," Velvel said.

    Somehow, I don't think this is what the Supreme Court had in mind when they granted cert ...

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