Scott Walker re-election: Can a bold, proud conservative sustain triumph in a swing state?

Can a Bold, Proud Conservative Like Scott Walker Sustain His Triumph in a Swing State?

Can a Bold, Proud Conservative Like Scott Walker Sustain His Triumph in a Swing State?

Who's winning, who's losing, and why.
Aug. 8 2014 5:42 PM

The Scott Walker Hypothesis

Can a bold, proud conservative sustain his triumph in a swing state?

Scott Walker.
Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker speaks during the Republican National Convention on Aug. 28, 2012, in Tampa, Florida. Has he delivered, and will voters stick with him?

Photo by Chip Somodevilla/Getty Images

WEST ALLIS, Wisconsin—One of Scott Walker’s duties as governor of Wisconsin is to open the state fair by going on thrill rides with the young woman anointed Fairest of the Fairs. “We went on the Freak Out and she freaked out,” he told a crowd several nights later at the 23rd annual Governor’s Blue Ribbon Meat Products Auction, where Walker helped sell choice cuts to raise money for the 4-H club. “And then the ride started to get slow,” Walker continued, “and she got the look on her face—‘thank God it’s over’—and I looked over at the operator who has been doing it the last three years I’ve been governor and I went like this”—the governor flashed a thumbs-up and a smile—“and he did it all over again!” The governor had launched another round of spinning, dipping, and rolling (and the Fairest of the Fairs nearly freaked out of her sash).

John Dickerson John Dickerson

John Dickerson is a Slate political columnist, the moderator of CBS’s Face the Nation, and author of On Her Trail. Read his series on the presidency and on risk.

This is what Wisconsin elections are like in the Walker era. Just when one intense ride is over, another one starts right up again. Walker, who was first elected in 2010, is facing his third election in four years and his second re-electionHis winning battle with unions over bargaining rights became the center of national political attention in 2011, leading to an effort to recall a group of Republican state senators. The next year, Democrats tried to eject Walker, who became the first governor ever to survive a recall. 

There was no election in 2013, but as if to make up for it, Walker’s re-election has become more thrilling than expected. In recent polls, including two consecutive ones from well-respected pollster Charles Franklin of Marquette University, the battle-tested governor is tied with Mary Burke, a 55-year-old former executive at her family-owned Trek Bicycle Corp. whose only prior election experience was running for the Madison school board.* Her message is that Walker is too controversial and polarizing. “What I see is politics before common-sense solutions to issues that we have,” says Burke. “I don’t believe this partisanship, this divisiveness, is who we are.”


It wasn’t supposed to be this close. Last year the Republican and Democratic committees tasked with electing governors had been expecting the 46-year-old Walker to win re-election and start running for president. If he loses, it will almost certainly derail those plans. The outcome will also have meaning in the larger conservative movement, where Walker has been seen as proof of a governing philosophy: If you govern as a bold conservative and don’t buckle under fire, you can win in a swing state—and not just any swing state, but one that’s in a region crucial to the GOP’s presidential fortunes. As Walker says in a campaign fundraising appeal for this election, his is a “national success story” and “the conservative policies I championed are the blueprint for fundamentally reforming government.”

When Walker weathered his battle with the unions, his stock among conservatives skyrocketed. Brian Schimming, vice chairman of the Wisconsin Republican Party, remembers attending an out-of-state conservative function and a man asking in awe, “What’s it like living in the state with Scott Walker?” Conservative columnist George Will was just as adoring. William Kristol saw Walker as a model. The night of the 2012 recall, Virginia Gov. Bob McDonnell wrote: “Tonight, Wisconsin voters rewarded political courage.” Gov. Bobby Jindal of Louisiana also chimed in: “Good policy is great politics.”

Walker asserted that his 7-point recall victory had proved a simple formula. “Results trump everything else,” he told National Review last November. “If you deliver, voters will stick with you,” he said during the book tour for Unintimidated: A Governor’s Story and a Nation’s Challenge, which hinted at his larger ambitions. Update, Aug. 10, 2014: Republican National Committee chairman Reince Priebus held up Walker as a model Republicans should follow to win back the White House in a speech to conservatives. But now, though, voters are not sticking with Walker as much as he predicted. His approval rating is 47 percent today, (48 percent disapprove) even though 54 percent of those polled say they believe the state is moving in the right direction. Walker’s supporters will say his rating still suffers from the knock-on effects of all the attacks during the recall—except that Walker’s approval rating was near 50 percent before the recall. It may be that those who voted for him during the recall were not fans of Walker or his policies but thought the recall was too extreme. (Thirteen percent of self-described liberals voted for him in the recall, according to exit polls.) This election is a truer test of the Walker theory.

It would be easier to test Walker’s claim that his conservative policies attracted nonideological swing voters if there were a lot of those voters in the state of Wisconsin. As Craig Gilbert of the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel laid out in his wonderful series on polarization in the state, Wisconsin is purple not because it has a vast population of intermingled viewpoints; it is instead a state where deep red lives next to deep blue. In this election, the number of voters who are up for grabs—who haven’t come to a settled view about Walker, and who are likely to turn out in a nonpresidential year—is likely to be low.

The Walker team’s strategy is to rely on his rock-solid support among likely Republican voters and to pick up a small number of independents who will give him the benefit of the doubt. Incumbent governors don’t usually lose, and at least some swing voters have now voted for Walker in two elections. In the Marquette poll, 7 percent of the respondents approved of the job Obama was doing and the job Walker was doing. “An incumbent governor running for what is essentially a second re-election, with more money than God, has to be the odds-on favorite,” Franklin says. 

Walker has $7.1 million in his campaign bank account and a considerable national network of donors. He built a list of donors from all over the nation defending against the recall, which became a pitched ideological battle. A recent report shows that he has received more out-of-state money than Burke, who has $1.7 million in her campaign chest plus plenty in her personal bank account—one of the key attractions of her candidacy for party officials. Burke put in $430,000 when she got into the race and has promised to spend more.

Burke’s strategy, with its emphasis on tempering partisanship, assumes there are a lot of swing voters who have been turned off by Walker’s brand of politics. Burke’s forces were heartened to see that in the Marquette poll, she and Walker were even with self-described independents, after she had trailed him by 9 in May—possible proof of concept. Burke will need those swing voters, because Democrats don’t traditionally turn out the way Republicans do in nonpresidential election years. The goal for Democrats is to turn out some of the million or so “drop-off voters,” who participate in presidential elections but sit out the other ones. Hatred of Walker among liberals was not enough to help his Democratic opponent in the recall, and it might not be enough now.