New York, Nov. 6 This week's issue is devoted to money. An article contends that the American Dream will remain just that—a dream—for many Americans: "[T]here is less than a 2 percent chance that an American born to parents whose income is in the bottom 60 percent of all incomes will end up in the top 5 percent. Americans born to parents in the bottom 20 percent, meanwhile, have a 40 percent chance of staying at the bottom." The dichotomy is illustrated by profiles of billionaires teetering atop gobs of cash and one in which a young father naps on a park bench between low-wage gigs. … But here's how you can make it in New York on just $20,000 a year and still have money left over to treat yourself to the occasional $80 rock-concert ticket: Have your parents kick in for your gym membership and the rent on your West Village apartment.—Z.K.
New York Times Magazine, Nov. 5
The cover piece examines former Deputy Prime Minister Ahmad Chalabi's role in the lead-up to the Iraq war and its aftermath. Chalabi contends that America could have avoided disaster by handing over control to Iraqis immediately after the invasion. He dismisses allegations that he misled the Bush administration about WMD as an "urban myth." The Iraqi National Congress, he claims, merely provided the defectors who described Saddam's alleged nuclear program: "We did not vouch for any of their information." But a recently released Senate Intelligence Committee report asserts that Chalabi's group "directly influenced" key judgments that led the United States to invade. … A piece traces the Oxford English Dictionary's expansion alongside an even faster-expanding English language. The original 1928 edition charted a large but seemingly limited linguistic territory. The third edition, still decades away from completion, faces a "larger, wilder and more amorphous" language that "no longer seems finite."—C.B.
The New Yorker, Nov. 6 A piece examines how a Machiavellian self-help book, Robert Greene's The 48 Laws of Power, became the bible of the hip-hop community. The book's lessons—"Crush your enemy totally." "Always say less than necessary." "Keep others in suspended terror."—have inspired rappers, producers, and moguls. Busta Rhymes wants to make a spinoff film "about a family who lives by the forty-eight laws" and 50 Cent wants to create a similar guide for street hustlers. Rhymes thinks the book gave him a competitive advantage: "I felt like I had some Deep Sea scroll or some shit."… A piece examines the bitter politics surrounding the original Webster's dictionary. In the post-revolutionary years, Noah Webster sought to catalog an "American English" distinct from its parent language. He irked Federalist critics by incorporating "common" words like rateability and lengthy, which they considered linguistic impurities. Webster stressed that the lexicographer "has no right to proscribe words; he is to present them as they are."— C.B.
Weekly Standard, Nov. 6
An article on Virginia Senate candidate James Webb questions whether Democrats know what they're in store for with the former Naval secretary and reformed Republican. Declaring him "a blood-and-soil conservative" and "the most sophisticated right-wing reactionary to run on a Democratic ticket since Grover Cleveland," the piece describes a proud redneck and military man who opposed the war in Iraq because it is "another disastrous symptom of a country gone soft, the feckless gesture of a superpower brought low by wusses."… The cover story by Fred Barnes profiles Ohio, Indiana, New York, Pennsylvania, and Connecticut—"the most treacherous strip of the country for Republicans in the November 7 election." The states are looking tenuous for Republicans not only because of the nationwide problems facing the GOP—the war in Iraq, immigration, the economy—but also because of local issues, like corruption in Ohio, poor candidate choices in Pennsylvania, and bad policy decisions in Indiana.— T.B.
Time and Newsweek, Nov. 6
The Newsweek cover piece compares the Iraq war now to the final days of the Korean War—"not a defeat … but certainly not a victory." The best we can hope for now is a "gray ending" that avoids worst case scenarios, Fareed Zakaria argues. That doesn't mean pulling out now: "The United States must redefine its mission, reduce and redeploy its forces and fashion a less intrusive involvement with Iraq, one that both Iraqis and Americans believe is productive and sustainable for the long term." The first step is to scrap the illusion of a "united, secular, harmonious, freedom-loving" Iraq and recognize the sectarian reality. … A piece in Time gives a harrowing account of an Iraqi man's kidnapping. While he was out driving his cousin's Chevy Lumina, kidnappers mistook him for a wealthier man. He became dismayed when the captors unmasked themselves. "If they were willing to show me their faces … they meant to kill me eventually."
Midterms: A Time election preview calls the upcoming elections "a referendum on an isolated President." In 2002, congressional candidates couldn't get enough face time with President Bush. Not so in 2006. Iraq has become a liability, as Bush argues that "staying the course means 'constantly changing tactics' and that benchmarks (good) aren't the same as timetables (bad)." His approval ratings remain low. But a Democratic majority might not make Bush a complete lame duck, especially on cross-aisle issues like immigration. Bush describes himself at campaign events as "Mr. Optimism." … Newsweek identifies a set of "wedge issues" likely to affect certain midterm races. Twenty-nine percent of voters care most about Iraq, but Rush Limbaugh's recent remarks against Michael J. Fox have pushed stem-cell research to the fore in Missouri. The New Jersey Supreme Court's ruling on equal rights for gay couples may galvanize voters within and beyond the Garden State. And in South Dakota, a ballot question gives voters the option of overturning a state-wide abortion ban.—C.B.
New Republic, Nov. 6
The cover piece assesses Tempting Faith, a new book by evangelical Christian David Kuo that charts his political seduction and ultimate disillusionment. Kuo, who served as deputy director for the Office of Faith-Based and Community Initiatives, loved Bush but disliked his message to evangelicals: "Kuo listened as Bush lied through his teeth, claiming credit for making faithbased initiatives central to his presidency … and citing wildly inflated figures for how much the administration was spending on the poor." But Kuo—"young, idealistic, and phenomenally naïve"—trusted Bush's sincerity. The president's recovery from alcoholism somehow made him even more infallible to Kuo. But, as the author notes, "Testimonialism simply does not make for serious politics (or serious religion)."… A piece examines how Clinton-era fiscal policy, dubbed "Rubinomics" after Treasury Secretary Robert Rubin, has taken a hit under George W. Bush. Recent economic growth has mainly benefited the rich, a trend that has "begun to unravel" the Clintonites' confidence in remedies such as fiscal responsibility.— C.B.
Economist, Oct. 28 In the face of probable changes in strategy following the American midterm elections, an article and an editorial argue that the United States and Britain should not abandon Iraq. The editorial concedes that "cutting your losses is sometimes the sensible thing to do," but argues that "by persevering, America stands at least some chance of putting Iraq on a more stable trajectory. By leaving, it is almost certain to make things worse." The article reviews the dire situation and some possible strategies, such as a pullout timetable. The piece agrees that a new plan is needed: "Yes, but what?"… A major survey of French society, published in anticipation of next year's presidential election, reiterates the need for "radical reform." France is politically, economically, and socially stagnant, and many commentators have a fatalistic attitude about the future. But the Economist is optimistic: "For almost every weakness" from which the French suffer, "it is possible to find a matching strength." What is needed is a "Madame Thatcher"—a visionary leader capable of forcing through major "pro-competitive reforms."— B.W.
The Atlantic, November 2006 A sweeping profile of Hillary Rodham Clinton suggests her successful Senate career may inhibit her presidential prospects. The author describes Hillary's rise as "a pattern of ambition, failure, study, and advancement." Since her health-care bill died in 1993, Clinton has played a cautious game, taking "small steps" without much political risk. Despite her name recognition and ability to reach across the aisle, critics see her latest incarnation—no longer the "brashly confident leader of health-care reform"—as unlikely to defeat a popular Republican like John McCain. … A piece examines the emerging genre of dramatic video games. Two programmers spent five years designing Façade, an emotionally charged "interactive drama" that breaks from the dominant action-thriller mold. The game, which features two characters in a marital crisis, may remedy the "real lack of meaning" in video games. But there's just one problem: "Façade is ingenious, but it is not fun."— C.B.