The Best Way for Proposition 8 To Lose
Let's cheer if gay marriage opponents decide not to appeal—but not if they can't.
In allowing gay marriages to go forward on Aug. 18, Judge Vaughn Walker noted that Proposition 8 proponents may not have standing to bring an appeal. How can that be, since they were allowed to defend Prop 8, the voter referendum banning gay marriage, at trial? And if they really don't have standing in court to continue the fight for Prop 8, would that be a good way to resolve the case?
Andrew Sullivan has been tackling those questions in a series of posts. As I read it, he's OK with kicking the case out of court for lack of standing because it would hoist conservatives on their own petard. After all, they're the ones who usually cheer for narrow standing requirements. I take his point. And I surely see the benefits of halting this case before an appeal. No matter how many times Prop 8 big-shot lawyer challengers Ted Olson and David Boies say they know the heart of Justice Kennedy, and promise us that it is a heart that beats for gay couples at the altar, the smart money for same-sex marriage advocates is still on keeping this case—at this moment in time—away from the Supreme Court.
But in the end, do we really want gay marriage to become legal in California because of what's essentially a technicality? That seems a highly unsatisfying resolution to what was always billed as an epic case, and it would expose in the left a bit of hypocrisy about standing much as it would the right. Far better would be for the Prop 8 proponents themselves to decide not to bring an appeal. David Barton of the American Family Association has already floated that idea. If conservatives cave in on their own, they'd implicitly concede how terribly weak their case was at trial, whatever excuse they come up with. (Barton's was to cast Kennedy as a sure vote in favor of a constitutional right to gay marriage. Amusing that he thinks so, but I still wouldn't want to bet on it.)
What's standing amount to? It's a bar you have to cross to get into court in the first place. In federal court, you have to have "Article III standing," which boils down to showing that you have a real, not conjectural, injury, which the lawsuit you're bringing can redress. Standing requirements have been heightened largely by, yes, conservative judges: A key case is Lujan v. Defenders of Wildlife, in which Justice Antonin Scalia held for the Supreme Court that a group of environmental groups lacked standing to challenge the way in which the government was enforcing (or not enforcing) part of the Endangered Species Act. The left complained mightily that if the green groups couldn't push for stiffer enforcement of the nation's environmental laws under a Republican administration, no one could. Scalia told them, in effect, "tough."
There are a couple of other Supreme Court decisions, flagged by New York Law School professor Arthur Leonard, which more directly address the situation in the Prop 8 case, where the central standing problem is that the governor and the attorney general, speaking for the state of California, have opted not to defend this voter referendum in court. They don't like Prop 8, and they think it may be unconstitutional. That's why the Prop 8 proponents, and not the state, were called upon to defend the voter referendum at trial. Why on earth wouldn't they be able to continue in that rule on appeal? Because of two other Supreme Court cases, Diamond v. Charles in 1986 and Arizonans for Official English v. Arizona in 1997. In Diamond, the state of Illinois chose not to appeal a lower-court decision finding parts of a 1975 abortion law unconstitutional (the law made it criminal to perform an abortion under some circumstances). An anti-abortion doctor tried to appeal in the state's stead, arguing that he had standing because of his personal and professional interest in the case. The Supreme Court told him no, because he "was a private party whose own conduct was neither implicated nor threatened by the Abortion Law." So, no standing because you don't like a law related to the work you do, even if it's a ballot initiative that the state didn't want to stand up for.
Emily Bazelon is a Slate senior editor and writes about law, family, and kids. Her forthcoming book, Sticks and Stones: Defeating the Culture of Bullying and Rediscovering the Power of Empathy and Character. Find her at firstname.lastname@example.org or on Facebook or Twitter.
Photograph of David Boies and Theodore Olson by Kevork Djansezian/Getty Images.