In Newark last week, high school principal and city councilman Ras Baraka was elected mayor. Tuesday Baraka unveiled his agenda for educational “local control”: a return of the Newark school district to city management, and a total rejection of the school reform policies embraced by his predecessor Cory Booker, Gov. Chris Christie, and their philanthropic patron Mark Zuckerberg, whose $100 million donation has reshaped the city’s educational landscape in the direction of new charter schools and teacher evaluation and pay based on student standardized test scores.
Those closely watched reforms, funded by corporate donors and supported by centrist politicians with national ambitions, are “taking away our right to democratically govern our public schools,” Baraka has said. Instead of shutting down failing schools and turning their buildings over to national charter chains, he argues that Newark should send even more money to struggling neighborhood principals for a longer school day, afterschool programs, bonuses to reward teachers who work in the most challenging schools, and the hiring of more guidance counselors and social workers.
On Tuesday evening, student protesters staged a sit-in at a school advisory board meeting, bringing it to a disruptive close. The students demanded that superintendent Cami Anderson, a Booker/Christie/Zuckerberg ally, resign. The protesters were no doubt inspired by their new mayor—talk of taking back the city’s schools is the rhetoric that won Baraka the election.
With Baraka’s win, Bill de Blasio’s November victory in New York, and former Washington, D.C. mayor Adrian Fenty’s stinging loss in 2010, due in large part to school chancellor Michelle Rhee’s unpopularity, the local control movement is having a moment. It’s not exactly new: Ras Baraka’s father, Amiri Baraka, led a fiery charge for community control of Newark’s schools in the late 1960s and early 1970s. But while Amiri Baraka was a virulent critic of union teachers, his son’s biggest ally has been organized labor, including the Newark Teachers’ Union. So, what’s changed? Why did one Baraka enrage the unions in 1970 by supporting local control of schools, while, 44 years later, another Baraka earned Big Labor’s endorsement—and hundreds of thousands of dollars of their funding—with a local control agenda?
Amiri Baraka died in January. Today he is most often remembered as the controversial former New Jersey poet laureate, who claimed in verse that Israel had prior knowledge of the 9/11 attacks. But before all that, he was a beatnik, a black nationalist—and an education reformer.
Born Everett Leroy Jones, Amiri Baraka grew up in Newark and attended the racially integrated Barringer High School, where he worked on the school newspaper and eventually earned a scholarship to Howard University. He later joined the Air Force and landed in Greenwich Village, where he began his career as a political agitator, poet, and playwright.
After Malcolm X’s death in 1965, Jones changed his name to Amiri Baraka, separated from his white, Jewish wife, and returned to Newark, where he hoped to live out his emerging black separatist ideals. Like other young black intellectuals who had attended integrated schools, including Stokely Carmichael (a graduate of the Bronx High School of Science), Baraka looked back on his own education not as a leg up into the meritocracy, but as a time of psychological devastation, in which he and other black children were forced to come face-to-face each day with white racism. Baraka pinned much of the blame on white, unionized teachers—60 percent of the teaching force in Newark—whom he said disdained black culture and believed black students were unintelligent. “Our children in most of these so called schools are not being taught anything,” he wrote in a 1967 essay. “And when they are taught something it is usually to hate themselves.” (Baraka once wrote that “a teacher sends a pupil home from Central”—the school his son Ras Baraka would later lead as principal—by telling him, “Catholics is the best religion and Stokely Carmichael, Adam Powell, and 'Cassius Clay' ain't no good!”)
The solution, Baraka wrote, was to hire only black teachers and principals to work in black children’s schools. “Let us get our own!” he declared. In another essay, he wrote, “Who controls your children's minds controls your life even after the death of your body. We must make sure our children are Black ... not only by Race, and Culture, but through Consciousness. Education is the development of consciousness.”
Baraka served on an advisory school board tasked with directing money from Title I, the federal education program, to Newark’s poorest public school students. But he and his second wife, Amina Baraka, withdrew their own kids from the public system, enrolling them in a private school with a Black Nationalist curriculum. As activists, the Barakas hoped to enact a similar Afrocentric curriculum in the public schools.